-
Professor Joanne HughesQueen’s University Belfast
-
Dr Ian CantleyQueen’s University Belfast
-
Dr Rebecca LoaderQueen’s University Belfast
Project overview
This project investigated why academic selection endures in Northern Ireland and explored how the education system might be reformed.
Why is this important?
Northern Ireland (NI) provides almost all its post-primary education through a combination of grammar and secondary schools. This remains a subject of considerable debate.
Supporters argue that grammar schools provide an academically rigorous environment that promotes high levels of attainment and offers opportunities for able pupils from a wide range of backgrounds.
Critics contend that selection at age 10 or 11 reinforces social inequalities, contributes to segregation and has negative consequences for pupils, families and schools across the wider educational system.
There are existing policy commitments to address educational disadvantage and improve educational outcomes. Academic selection frustrates these objectives.
What did it involve?
The research team combined documentary and literature analysis, a systematic review of the evidence, qualitative interviews, pupil focus groups and deliberative research. The study drew on the perspectives of parents, school leaders, academics and key education stakeholders, pupil focus groups, and a deliberative event involving participants from across the interview constituencies.
What did it find?
Consequences of academic selection include:
- A key paradox of selection: Academic selection is associated with persistent inequalities and adverse consequences for many pupils. However, some grammar school pupils experience modest attainment gains.
- No clear evidence of improved social mobility: There is little or no research evidence that academic selective education improves long-term earnings or social mobility at the population level.
- Widening inequality: Academic selection concentrates advantage in grammar schools and disadvantage in secondary schools. This reproduces inequality across generations.
- Wellbeing costs of early selection: High-stakes selection can generate stress and anxiety among pupils. Among those who do not obtain a grammar school place, some report lasting impacts on self-esteem, confidence and educational identity.
- Distortion of the primary curriculum: The transfer test was perceived to narrow teaching and learning in P6–P7 towards test preparation, reducing time for the broader statutory curriculum.
Academic selection endures because:
- Public perception: Even though there arewell-established links between academic selection and less favourable educational, social and economic outcomes, many parents continue to view the system as fair and meritocratic.
- Political protection and institutional inertia: Grammar schools constitute a well-organised and influential sector that benefits from higher levels of institutional autonomy, historical privilege and political support.
- Social advantage and the reproduction of inequality: Families with greater resources are among the groups with the greatest capacity to influence educational debates. However, they typically benefit most from the current system, so existing inequalities can reinforce support for academic selection.
- Deeply embedded beliefs about ability and merit: Many parents, educators and pupils regard academic ability as a fixed characteristic that can be reliably measured at age 10–11. This belief underpins the perceived legitimacy of selective admissions, even though it is contested by extensive research evidence.
- Perceptions of differential school quality: Grammar schools are widely associated with academic excellence. This reinforces parental demand for grammar schools, even though research suggests that differences in outcomes are largely attributable to pupil intake rather than school effectiveness.
- Status, identity and aspiration: Attendance at a grammar school carries significant social status and is often viewed as a marker of achievement and future success. Conversely, pupils attending secondary schools can encounter negative stereotypes or stigma. These distinctions help sustain parental aspirations.
Media analysis reveals that debate is often poorly informed by evidence, with critics drawing on research while defenders rely on anecdote or ideological arguments. Interviews and focus groups identified a sense that selection persists not because it works, but because it is politically protected and socially embedded.
Across all participant groups, there was strong support for reform, with a range of alternatives endorsed.
What did it recommend?
The report proposes a strategic programme of reform to deliver high‑quality provision across all schools and reduce structural inequalities.
Recommendation 1: Build public understanding and support for reform
Recommendation 2: Reform funding arrangements to better account for pupil need and invest in school capacity
Recommendation 3: Address segregation and stigma
Recommendation 4: Redefine school quality e.g. to incorporate value-added, contextualised and wellbeing indicators
Recommendation 5: Protect the primary curriculum
Recommendation 6: Invest in teacher capacity and system leadership
Recommendation 7: Strengthen governance and policy coherence
Recommendation 8: Progress towards an all-ability comprehensive system
Recommendation 9: End high-stakes selection at age 10–11
The recommendations are not intended to be strictly sequential. They are mutually reinforcing and may be pursued in parallel or selectively, depending on policy priorities. Moreover, several recommendations have stand‑alone value irrespective of decisions on academic selection.












